by Elizabeth Stull (court@brooklyneagle.net), published online 09-26-2007
REMSEN STREET — The Brooklyn Democratic Party began its annual judicial nominating convention yesterday afternoon with an unconventional tribute to a longtime executive committee member, Bernard C. (Bernie) Catcher, Esq.
“Keep on doing what you’re doing — You’re truly a hero,” Brooklyn party Chairman Vito Lopez told Catcher, an active Brooklyn Democrat for more than 30 years. Catcher, who was diagnosed with cancer and has undergone aggressive chemotherapy and radiation, expressed his gratitude to Lopez and the Thomas Jefferson Democratic Club.
“I discovered I had the biggest family in the world,” Catcher said in a hoarse voice. “They’ve been like brothers to me. The Vito that’s in the newspaper — they don’t know the Vito that I know.”
Assemblyman Joseph Lentol was recognized as chairman of the convention with the roll call. Attorney Carl Landicino estimated that 125 judicial delegates out of a total of 150 to 160 were present in Founders Hall at St. Francis College.
In New York, local Civil Court judges and Surrogate’s Court judges are nominated in open primary elections, while candidates for the state Supreme Court are nominated in judicial conventions and appellate judges are appointed.
Almost two dozen contenders had been found qualified for the bench by the Brooklyn Democratic Party’s judicial screening panel. In heavily Democratic Kings County, a spot on the Democratic ticket virtually guarantees a victory in November.
Incumbent state Supreme Court Justices L. Priscilla Hall, Larry Martin and Albert Tomei were nominated for re-election to the Brooklyn bench and Robert J. Miller was nominated to fill the position left open by Justice Theodore Jones, who resigned early last spring after being appointed to the state Court of Appeals.
Following the official nominations process yesterday, there was an awkward moment when Lentol, a veteran convention chairman, apparently forgot to bring in the nominees, who were waiting in the hallway behind the auditorium. Many delegates had risen to leave when Lentol invited the judicial candidates to say a few words. Each of them stepped forward to express his or her gratitude to the party leaders and delegates.
“There is a renaissance in Brooklyn right now,” Justice Tomei said. “We’re on the map, and we’re one of the most visited places in the world.” Tomei, who is 68, said this is his last election because of New York’s mandatory retirement rule.
Justice Hall said she enjoys the campaign process because “it gives me a chance to run all around Brooklyn and find out what’s going on with each of you. It’s good to hear about what’s going on in Brooklyn.”
“The process of running for office is a very humbling one, and I think that’s very important because judges, with all of the power that we exercise on a daily basis, can use a dose of humiliation,” Justice Martin said. Martin said this will also be his last term on the bench, because of mandatory retirement. Miller, an attorney and the only candidate who has never served on the bench, said he was honored to be nominated.
“I guess I’m the virgin here,” Miller said. Miller, a graduate of Georgetown Law School, has been involved in politics for many years but has never been elected to office. Party Chairman “Vito Lopez personifies what this party is about,” he said.
“They call us the ‘Excedrin borough’” Miller continued, alluding to a recent newspaper article about Brooklyn politics. Lopez has been under fire because the party’s candidate for surrogate judge lost the primary election.
“He’s [Vito Lopez’s] trying to bring us all together, and some people don’t want to be brought together … Let’s stay focused on what our values are, which is helping working people every single day,” Miller said.
The nominating convention was scheduled for 3 p.m. and began about 30 minutes late, perhaps because it followed a press conference about swastikas that had been drawn on two Remsen Street synagogues the night before. The convention was over by 4:30 p.m.
Judicial nominating conventions have been challenged by critics who say they exclude voters and deny candidates access to the ballot. Last year, a federal judge in Brooklyn ruled that the process is unconstitutional and must be changed. An appeal in that lawsuit, Lopez-Torres v. New York State Board of Elections, will be heard next Wednesday by the U.S. Supreme Court.
One delegate-alternate at yesterday’s convention said she had met the candidates at political club meetings in Coney Island. A delegate from another district, Lester Culpepper, said he had met one of the candidates because he works in Downtown Brooklyn. “It’s democratic here,” he said, “We all have an equal vote.”
“Some of the folks who think that politics and conventions are evil ought to have been here today to see this,” Lentol said yesterday. He said the nomination process had been “rigorous and fair.” Lentol also applauded Lopez for his work during a difficult time for the party in Brooklyn, saying, “Vito, I believe you were born to be the leader of the Brooklyn Democratic Party … The best is yet to be.”
— Elizabeth Stull
Brooklyn Daily Eagle
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
Thursday, September 20, 2007
Judge’s Loss Looms Large for Party Chief
Vito J. Lopez, the Democratic Party leader in Brooklyn, faced a setback Tuesday when a candidate he backed lost her race.
By JONATHAN P. HICKS, Published: September 20, 2007
Since he became the Brooklyn Democratic Party leader two years ago, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez has sought to develop a sense of unity among its disparate and competitive political players.
Go to City Room » And while there have been some notable successes, there have been setbacks. The most high-profile stumble came on Tuesday, when the candidate Mr. Lopez supported for a Surrogate’s Court judgeship in Brooklyn was handily defeated by one endorsed by reform-oriented groups and a wide array of politicians.
Normally, a surrogate race in a sleepy September primary is seen as a sure thing for a Democratic county leader. But ShawnDya L. Simpson, a Civil Court judge whom Mr. Lopez supported for the surrogate seat, lost decisively with about 40 percent of the vote.
Diana A. Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice, won the nomination with 60 percent of the vote. And in doing so, she proved that the coalition behind her could be a more effective force than the party organization. Although both candidates are black, the race had strong racial overtones. Most black elected officials had urged Mr. Lopez to support Justice Johnson, who had their overwhelming support, and felt slighted when he did not.
The surrogate position is vacant because Judge Frank R. Seddio resigned in May.
In an interview yesterday, Mr. Lopez said the defeat should be seen in a larger context. The party organization’s record of successes in races for judgeships has been unmatched by his predecessors, he said.
“Since 2005, when I got this position, there have been 10 contested races for judges,” Mr. Lopez said. “And, altogether, we’ve won 9 of the 10. That’s unheard of prior to my being the county leader. And I’m proud of that record and of the work we’ve been doing.”
He also said that the Democratic Party in Brooklyn, the largest Democratic organization in the state, had been more inclusive in its endorsements than in the past — supporting an ethnically diverse field and an openly gay candidate — and that it was on far more solid financial footing than it used to be. Under his stewardship, he said, the party has gone from being in debt to having money to expand its staff.
Mr. Lopez said that the surrogate candidates were well qualified and that he would do everything he could to support Justice Johnson. She faces Theodore Alatsas, a lawyer running on the Republican and Conservative Party tickets, in November.
“It was a race, it’s over; I congratulate Diana Johnson and her campaign,” he said. “The important thing is now for us to move forward and to determine how we can become a solidly unified Democratic borough.”
Still, many politicians suggest that the loss of a surrogate race is a blemish that exposes weaknesses in the party’s leadership. Tuesday’s race was unlike other judicial races in the borough in the last two years. It was a high-profile contest that brought together a number of political clubs and labor unions — most notably the Transport Workers Union — and many politicians, including the Rev. Al Sharpton, to work against the organization.
“When I was growing up in Brooklyn, a surrogate race was considered a sure win for the organization,” Mr. Sharpton, the best-known supporter of Justice Johnson, said yesterday. “But clearly the election results show that the organization can be taken on and defeated. It showed that when the playing field is level, the organization can come up short.”
Gary Tilzer, Justice Johnson’s campaign manager, put it more bluntly, saying of Mr. Lopez: “He’s a county leader who can’t deliver votes. And if you can’t win a surrogate race in an off-year election, what muscle do you have with candidates running for mayor or other offices?”
Political analysts suggest that while Mr. Lopez’s candidate lost, some defeats are expected for a leader of a party as large as Brooklyn’s. Also, the party is still reeling from a scandal that culminated in February with the conviction of Clarence Norman Jr., the former Brooklyn Democratic leader, for extorting money from judicial candidates.
Mr. Lopez might well be encouraged because the forces opposing the party organization are not particularly unified. In fact, those coalitions tend to form on a contest-by-contest basis, with the characters changing from one race to the other.
“With everything that’s happened in the judiciary in Brooklyn, Vito’s loss shows that being the county leader in Brooklyn is a work in progress,” said Evan Stavisky, a political consultant who works primarily with Democratic candidates.
“Let’s face it,” Mr. Stavisky said. “The Brooklyn Democratic Party, though it’s the largest, hasn’t been a strong unified machine since the days of Meade Esposito,” who led the Brooklyn Democratic Party for a quarter century until he retired in 1983.
He added: “Being the county leader of any borough has headaches; being county leader of Brooklyn is an Excedrin headache.”
By JONATHAN P. HICKS, Published: September 20, 2007
Since he became the Brooklyn Democratic Party leader two years ago, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez has sought to develop a sense of unity among its disparate and competitive political players.
Go to City Room » And while there have been some notable successes, there have been setbacks. The most high-profile stumble came on Tuesday, when the candidate Mr. Lopez supported for a Surrogate’s Court judgeship in Brooklyn was handily defeated by one endorsed by reform-oriented groups and a wide array of politicians.
Normally, a surrogate race in a sleepy September primary is seen as a sure thing for a Democratic county leader. But ShawnDya L. Simpson, a Civil Court judge whom Mr. Lopez supported for the surrogate seat, lost decisively with about 40 percent of the vote.
Diana A. Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice, won the nomination with 60 percent of the vote. And in doing so, she proved that the coalition behind her could be a more effective force than the party organization. Although both candidates are black, the race had strong racial overtones. Most black elected officials had urged Mr. Lopez to support Justice Johnson, who had their overwhelming support, and felt slighted when he did not.
The surrogate position is vacant because Judge Frank R. Seddio resigned in May.
In an interview yesterday, Mr. Lopez said the defeat should be seen in a larger context. The party organization’s record of successes in races for judgeships has been unmatched by his predecessors, he said.
“Since 2005, when I got this position, there have been 10 contested races for judges,” Mr. Lopez said. “And, altogether, we’ve won 9 of the 10. That’s unheard of prior to my being the county leader. And I’m proud of that record and of the work we’ve been doing.”
He also said that the Democratic Party in Brooklyn, the largest Democratic organization in the state, had been more inclusive in its endorsements than in the past — supporting an ethnically diverse field and an openly gay candidate — and that it was on far more solid financial footing than it used to be. Under his stewardship, he said, the party has gone from being in debt to having money to expand its staff.
Mr. Lopez said that the surrogate candidates were well qualified and that he would do everything he could to support Justice Johnson. She faces Theodore Alatsas, a lawyer running on the Republican and Conservative Party tickets, in November.
“It was a race, it’s over; I congratulate Diana Johnson and her campaign,” he said. “The important thing is now for us to move forward and to determine how we can become a solidly unified Democratic borough.”
Still, many politicians suggest that the loss of a surrogate race is a blemish that exposes weaknesses in the party’s leadership. Tuesday’s race was unlike other judicial races in the borough in the last two years. It was a high-profile contest that brought together a number of political clubs and labor unions — most notably the Transport Workers Union — and many politicians, including the Rev. Al Sharpton, to work against the organization.
“When I was growing up in Brooklyn, a surrogate race was considered a sure win for the organization,” Mr. Sharpton, the best-known supporter of Justice Johnson, said yesterday. “But clearly the election results show that the organization can be taken on and defeated. It showed that when the playing field is level, the organization can come up short.”
Gary Tilzer, Justice Johnson’s campaign manager, put it more bluntly, saying of Mr. Lopez: “He’s a county leader who can’t deliver votes. And if you can’t win a surrogate race in an off-year election, what muscle do you have with candidates running for mayor or other offices?”
Political analysts suggest that while Mr. Lopez’s candidate lost, some defeats are expected for a leader of a party as large as Brooklyn’s. Also, the party is still reeling from a scandal that culminated in February with the conviction of Clarence Norman Jr., the former Brooklyn Democratic leader, for extorting money from judicial candidates.
Mr. Lopez might well be encouraged because the forces opposing the party organization are not particularly unified. In fact, those coalitions tend to form on a contest-by-contest basis, with the characters changing from one race to the other.
“With everything that’s happened in the judiciary in Brooklyn, Vito’s loss shows that being the county leader in Brooklyn is a work in progress,” said Evan Stavisky, a political consultant who works primarily with Democratic candidates.
“Let’s face it,” Mr. Stavisky said. “The Brooklyn Democratic Party, though it’s the largest, hasn’t been a strong unified machine since the days of Meade Esposito,” who led the Brooklyn Democratic Party for a quarter century until he retired in 1983.
He added: “Being the county leader of any borough has headaches; being county leader of Brooklyn is an Excedrin headache.”
Judge’s Loss Looms Large for Party Chief
Vito J. Lopez, the Democratic Party leader in Brooklyn, faced a setback Tuesday when a candidate he backed lost her race.
JONATHAN P. HICKS, September 20, 2007,New York Times
Since he became the Brooklyn Democratic Party leader two years ago, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez has sought to develop a sense of unity among its disparate and competitive political players.
Go to City Room » And while there have been some notable successes, there have been setbacks. The most high-profile stumble came on Tuesday, when the candidate Mr. Lopez supported for a Surrogate’s Court judgeship in Brooklyn was handily defeated by one endorsed by reform-oriented groups and a wide array of politicians.
Normally, a surrogate race in a sleepy September primary is seen as a sure thing for a Democratic county leader. But ShawnDya L. Simpson, a Civil Court judge whom Mr. Lopez supported for the surrogate seat, lost decisively with about 40 percent of the vote.
Diana A. Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice, won the nomination with 60 percent of the vote. And in doing so, she proved that the coalition behind her could be a more effective force than the party organization. Although both candidates are black, the race had strong racial overtones. Most black elected officials had urged Mr. Lopez to support Justice Johnson, who had their overwhelming support, and felt slighted when he did not.
The surrogate position is vacant because Judge Frank R. Seddio resigned in May.
In an interview yesterday, Mr. Lopez said the defeat should be seen in a larger context. The party organization’s record of successes in races for judgeships has been unmatched by his predecessors, he said.
“Since 2005, when I got this position, there have been 10 contested races for judges,” Mr. Lopez said. “And, altogether, we’ve won 9 of the 10. That’s unheard of prior to my being the county leader. And I’m proud of that record and of the work we’ve been doing.”
He also said that the Democratic Party in Brooklyn, the largest Democratic organization in the state, had been more inclusive in its endorsements than in the past — supporting an ethnically diverse field and an openly gay candidate — and that it was on far more solid financial footing than it used to be. Under his stewardship, he said, the party has gone from being in debt to having money to expand its staff.
Mr. Lopez said that the surrogate candidates were well qualified and that he would do everything he could to support Justice Johnson. She faces Theodore Alatsas, a lawyer running on the Republican and Conservative Party tickets, in November.
“It was a race, it’s over; I congratulate Diana Johnson and her campaign,” he said. “The important thing is now for us to move forward and to determine how we can become a solidly unified Democratic borough.”
Still, many politicians suggest that the loss of a surrogate race is a blemish that exposes weaknesses in the party’s leadership. Tuesday’s race was unlike other judicial races in the borough in the last two years. It was a high-profile contest that brought together a number of political clubs and labor unions — most notably the Transport Workers Union — and many politicians, including the Rev. Al Sharpton, to work against the organization.
“When I was growing up in Brooklyn, a surrogate race was considered a sure win for the organization,” Mr. Sharpton, the best-known supporter of Justice Johnson, said yesterday. “But clearly the election results show that the organization can be taken on and defeated. It showed that when the playing field is level, the organization can come up short.”
Gary Tilzer, Justice Johnson’s campaign manager, put it more bluntly, saying of Mr. Lopez: “He’s a county leader who can’t deliver votes. And if you can’t win a surrogate race in an off-year election, what muscle do you have with candidates running for mayor or other offices?”
Political analysts suggest that while Mr. Lopez’s candidate lost, some defeats are expected for a leader of a party as large as Brooklyn’s. Also, the party is still reeling from a scandal that culminated in February with the conviction of Clarence Norman Jr., the former Brooklyn Democratic leader, for extorting money from judicial candidates.
Mr. Lopez might well be encouraged because the forces opposing the party organization are not particularly unified. In fact, those coalitions tend to form on a contest-by-contest basis, with the characters changing from one race to the other.
“With everything that’s happened in the judiciary in Brooklyn, Vito’s loss shows that being the county leader in Brooklyn is a work in progress,” said Evan Stavisky, a political consultant who works primarily with Democratic candidates.
“Let’s face it,” Mr. Stavisky said. “The Brooklyn Democratic Party, though it’s the largest, hasn’t been a strong unified machine since the days of Meade Esposito,” who led the Brooklyn Democratic Party for a quarter century until he retired in 1983.
He added: “Being the county leader of any borough has headaches; being county leader of Brooklyn is an Excedrin headache.”
JONATHAN P. HICKS, September 20, 2007,New York Times
Since he became the Brooklyn Democratic Party leader two years ago, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez has sought to develop a sense of unity among its disparate and competitive political players.
Go to City Room » And while there have been some notable successes, there have been setbacks. The most high-profile stumble came on Tuesday, when the candidate Mr. Lopez supported for a Surrogate’s Court judgeship in Brooklyn was handily defeated by one endorsed by reform-oriented groups and a wide array of politicians.
Normally, a surrogate race in a sleepy September primary is seen as a sure thing for a Democratic county leader. But ShawnDya L. Simpson, a Civil Court judge whom Mr. Lopez supported for the surrogate seat, lost decisively with about 40 percent of the vote.
Diana A. Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice, won the nomination with 60 percent of the vote. And in doing so, she proved that the coalition behind her could be a more effective force than the party organization. Although both candidates are black, the race had strong racial overtones. Most black elected officials had urged Mr. Lopez to support Justice Johnson, who had their overwhelming support, and felt slighted when he did not.
The surrogate position is vacant because Judge Frank R. Seddio resigned in May.
In an interview yesterday, Mr. Lopez said the defeat should be seen in a larger context. The party organization’s record of successes in races for judgeships has been unmatched by his predecessors, he said.
“Since 2005, when I got this position, there have been 10 contested races for judges,” Mr. Lopez said. “And, altogether, we’ve won 9 of the 10. That’s unheard of prior to my being the county leader. And I’m proud of that record and of the work we’ve been doing.”
He also said that the Democratic Party in Brooklyn, the largest Democratic organization in the state, had been more inclusive in its endorsements than in the past — supporting an ethnically diverse field and an openly gay candidate — and that it was on far more solid financial footing than it used to be. Under his stewardship, he said, the party has gone from being in debt to having money to expand its staff.
Mr. Lopez said that the surrogate candidates were well qualified and that he would do everything he could to support Justice Johnson. She faces Theodore Alatsas, a lawyer running on the Republican and Conservative Party tickets, in November.
“It was a race, it’s over; I congratulate Diana Johnson and her campaign,” he said. “The important thing is now for us to move forward and to determine how we can become a solidly unified Democratic borough.”
Still, many politicians suggest that the loss of a surrogate race is a blemish that exposes weaknesses in the party’s leadership. Tuesday’s race was unlike other judicial races in the borough in the last two years. It was a high-profile contest that brought together a number of political clubs and labor unions — most notably the Transport Workers Union — and many politicians, including the Rev. Al Sharpton, to work against the organization.
“When I was growing up in Brooklyn, a surrogate race was considered a sure win for the organization,” Mr. Sharpton, the best-known supporter of Justice Johnson, said yesterday. “But clearly the election results show that the organization can be taken on and defeated. It showed that when the playing field is level, the organization can come up short.”
Gary Tilzer, Justice Johnson’s campaign manager, put it more bluntly, saying of Mr. Lopez: “He’s a county leader who can’t deliver votes. And if you can’t win a surrogate race in an off-year election, what muscle do you have with candidates running for mayor or other offices?”
Political analysts suggest that while Mr. Lopez’s candidate lost, some defeats are expected for a leader of a party as large as Brooklyn’s. Also, the party is still reeling from a scandal that culminated in February with the conviction of Clarence Norman Jr., the former Brooklyn Democratic leader, for extorting money from judicial candidates.
Mr. Lopez might well be encouraged because the forces opposing the party organization are not particularly unified. In fact, those coalitions tend to form on a contest-by-contest basis, with the characters changing from one race to the other.
“With everything that’s happened in the judiciary in Brooklyn, Vito’s loss shows that being the county leader in Brooklyn is a work in progress,” said Evan Stavisky, a political consultant who works primarily with Democratic candidates.
“Let’s face it,” Mr. Stavisky said. “The Brooklyn Democratic Party, though it’s the largest, hasn’t been a strong unified machine since the days of Meade Esposito,” who led the Brooklyn Democratic Party for a quarter century until he retired in 1983.
He added: “Being the county leader of any borough has headaches; being county leader of Brooklyn is an Excedrin headache.”
Wednesday, July 4, 2007
In his Own Words Vito Lopez Sponsors and Votes for Legislation to Push the Poor and Middle Class (His Own Supporters) Out
I do not need you anymore
"There's a renaissance occurring in Williamsburg," says Assembly Housing Committee Chairman Vito Lopez (D-Brooklyn), a Williamsburg native who likens its gentrification to that of Park Slope. But as neighborhoods improve, he warns, poorer ethnic groups often get pushed out. " The whites and yuppies moving in have the ability to pay more for rent," Lopez says. "The Latino population could be gone in two to three years." - New York Daily News 4/20/97
Ten Years later, on the last day of the 2007 New York State Legislative Session Vito Lopez introduced legislation to increase the poor and middle class removal from New York City.
A threat to N.Y. nabes
At the eleventh hour, with virtually no public discussion, the Assembly and Senate agreed on a bill that will stop production of middle-class housing in neighborhoods across all five boroughs. Gov. Spitzer must veto the destructive, ill-conceived measure. . . Responsibility for this disaster belongs to Vito Lopez (photo), chairman of the Assembly Housing Committee who also serves as Brooklyn Democratic boss, with an assist from the Real Estate Board of New York. . . It's a wonderful idea, but it's economically impossible. Nonetheless, Lopez muscled the bill through the Democratic-controlled Assembly, and the Republican-dominated state Senate went along as a favor to the Real Estate Board, whose Manhattan-centric members wanted to delay when the law takes effect. . . Among those who recognize the travesty is Council Speaker Christine Quinn. She called Lopez's legislative whim "an outrage," adding, "I think the bill should be vetoed." And she's right. . . New York Daily News, 6/24/07
"There's a renaissance occurring in Williamsburg," says Assembly Housing Committee Chairman Vito Lopez (D-Brooklyn), a Williamsburg native who likens its gentrification to that of Park Slope. But as neighborhoods improve, he warns, poorer ethnic groups often get pushed out. " The whites and yuppies moving in have the ability to pay more for rent," Lopez says. "The Latino population could be gone in two to three years." - New York Daily News 4/20/97
Ten Years later, on the last day of the 2007 New York State Legislative Session Vito Lopez introduced legislation to increase the poor and middle class removal from New York City.
A threat to N.Y. nabes
At the eleventh hour, with virtually no public discussion, the Assembly and Senate agreed on a bill that will stop production of middle-class housing in neighborhoods across all five boroughs. Gov. Spitzer must veto the destructive, ill-conceived measure. . . Responsibility for this disaster belongs to Vito Lopez (photo), chairman of the Assembly Housing Committee who also serves as Brooklyn Democratic boss, with an assist from the Real Estate Board of New York. . . It's a wonderful idea, but it's economically impossible. Nonetheless, Lopez muscled the bill through the Democratic-controlled Assembly, and the Republican-dominated state Senate went along as a favor to the Real Estate Board, whose Manhattan-centric members wanted to delay when the law takes effect. . . Among those who recognize the travesty is Council Speaker Christine Quinn. She called Lopez's legislative whim "an outrage," adding, "I think the bill should be vetoed." And she's right. . . New York Daily News, 6/24/07
Taking Care of the Family
Ironically, it was the actions of ex-Assemblyman and Brooklyn Democratic leader Clarence Norman, until his felony conviction in fall 2005, and Assemblyman Vito Lopez, his successor, that began the chain of circumstances that led to this decision. When Margarita Lopez-Torres was elected to a county-wide Civil Court in Brooklyn in 1993 on the recommendation of Vito Lopez, she rejected every job applicant sent to her by the county organization, including Mr. Lopez' daughter who sought employment as a law secretary. The payback for this defiance was the county's refusal to designate her for re-election when her term expired in 2003. She ran anyway, winning re-nomination in a sharply contested Democratic primary. - New York Civic
The lengthy lead story in the Real Estate section [of the NY Times] credited Lopez with sparking a massive rebuilding effort in Bushwick, way back when he was a graduate student in 1971, and then carrying it through. The story also mentioned that Angela Battaglia's agency is the developer for a $20 million component of the rebuilding effort. It even pictured Lopez and Battaglia standing together in front of new housing construction. But the story omitted that Battaglia is Lopez's girlfriend. Does that connection at least deserve mention? Might the article have explained why there was or wasn't a conflict of interest present? Was it a coincidence that Lopez's girlfriend's outfit was put in charge of the $20 million deal? Inquiring minds would like to know. - Daily Gothic, 2/21/2006
ALBANY - Gov. Pataki plans to nominate the daughter of Assemblyman Vito Lopez, the Brooklyn Democratic chairman who has been cozy with Republican leaders, to a lucrative, long-tenured post on the state Court of Claims, The Post has learned.
Pataki, a lame-duck Republican who has been rushing to fill hundreds of positions before he leaves office at the end of the year, will nominate Gina Marie Lopez-Summa to the prestigious $137,000-a-year post, as payback for Assemblyman Lopez's repeated willingness to break party ranks and back the governor for reelection, said a high-level state official.
"Vito has been more loyal to Pataki than he has been to the Democratic Party," the official said.
A source close to Pataki confirmed Lopez-Summa was in line for appointment to the Court of Claims, which hears cases filed against the state. Assemblyman Lopez did not return a call seeking comment.Source Citation: "PATAKI WILL BOOST KIN OF DEM ALLY.(News)." New York Post (New York, NY) (Sept 18, 2006): 06
The lengthy lead story in the Real Estate section [of the NY Times] credited Lopez with sparking a massive rebuilding effort in Bushwick, way back when he was a graduate student in 1971, and then carrying it through. The story also mentioned that Angela Battaglia's agency is the developer for a $20 million component of the rebuilding effort. It even pictured Lopez and Battaglia standing together in front of new housing construction. But the story omitted that Battaglia is Lopez's girlfriend. Does that connection at least deserve mention? Might the article have explained why there was or wasn't a conflict of interest present? Was it a coincidence that Lopez's girlfriend's outfit was put in charge of the $20 million deal? Inquiring minds would like to know. - Daily Gothic, 2/21/2006
ALBANY - Gov. Pataki plans to nominate the daughter of Assemblyman Vito Lopez, the Brooklyn Democratic chairman who has been cozy with Republican leaders, to a lucrative, long-tenured post on the state Court of Claims, The Post has learned.
Pataki, a lame-duck Republican who has been rushing to fill hundreds of positions before he leaves office at the end of the year, will nominate Gina Marie Lopez-Summa to the prestigious $137,000-a-year post, as payback for Assemblyman Lopez's repeated willingness to break party ranks and back the governor for reelection, said a high-level state official.
"Vito has been more loyal to Pataki than he has been to the Democratic Party," the official said.
A source close to Pataki confirmed Lopez-Summa was in line for appointment to the Court of Claims, which hears cases filed against the state. Assemblyman Lopez did not return a call seeking comment.Source Citation: "PATAKI WILL BOOST KIN OF DEM ALLY.(News)." New York Post (New York, NY) (Sept 18, 2006): 06
Making Non Profits into a Politicial Power Base
"In 1976, Vito Lopez founded the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, a Brooklyn-based elder care organization that has grown to employ 1,800 people. This social and political powerhouse helped Mr. Lopez, an assemblyman, win his first election in 1984.
Mr. Lopez has guided the two failed campaigns of Pam Fisher, who directs a senior citizens program at Ridgewood Bushwick. Another employee of the center, Angela Battaglia, ran unsuccessfully for the City Council. Ms. Fisher bristles at any suggestion that she is a puppet of Mr. Lopez. But her aims are virtually identical. #T"As an advocate you have only so much input,'' she says. ''As an elected official, you have access and the power to get things done.''
Anna Gonzalez, director of a city-funded senior center in Bushwick, works the inside. She is an active campaigner for council member Victor Robles and also for Assemb. Vito Lopez, who had supported Franco in an unsuccessful bid for Congress. She says she could have been a Democratic district leader if she wanted. - New York Times, May 13, 1996
Where Does Vito Lopez Live and did he Live in One Room?
Instead, say the activists, Lopez for years has shacked up in a Queens condo owned by his girlfriend, Planning Commissioner Angela Battaglia, who also happens to be executive director of a housing nonprofit Lopez founded. A spokesman confirmed that the district attorney had received the complaint, dated Oct. 24, but declined to say if an investigation has begun.
Falsifying a voter-registration address is a felone. Property records show that the address where Lopez is registered to vote in Williamsburg, is owned by a woman named Tillie Tarantino.
Tarantino is executive director of the Swinging 60s Senior Center in Greenpoint, which is funded by a Lopez-backed nonprofit. - New York Post, 11/25/2005
But advocates for the elderly saw the decision to go to a for-profit company as a shot across the bow of how social services are delivered. Assemb. Vito Lopez (D-Brooklyn), who is both benefactor and beneficiary of the Ridgewood-Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, said he will press in Albany for legislation directing future contracts to not-for-profit agencies.
Mr. Lopez has guided the two failed campaigns of Pam Fisher, who directs a senior citizens program at Ridgewood Bushwick. Another employee of the center, Angela Battaglia, ran unsuccessfully for the City Council. Ms. Fisher bristles at any suggestion that she is a puppet of Mr. Lopez. But her aims are virtually identical. #T"As an advocate you have only so much input,'' she says. ''As an elected official, you have access and the power to get things done.''
Anna Gonzalez, director of a city-funded senior center in Bushwick, works the inside. She is an active campaigner for council member Victor Robles and also for Assemb. Vito Lopez, who had supported Franco in an unsuccessful bid for Congress. She says she could have been a Democratic district leader if she wanted. - New York Times, May 13, 1996
Where Does Vito Lopez Live and did he Live in One Room?
Instead, say the activists, Lopez for years has shacked up in a Queens condo owned by his girlfriend, Planning Commissioner Angela Battaglia, who also happens to be executive director of a housing nonprofit Lopez founded. A spokesman confirmed that the district attorney had received the complaint, dated Oct. 24, but declined to say if an investigation has begun.
Falsifying a voter-registration address is a felone. Property records show that the address where Lopez is registered to vote in Williamsburg, is owned by a woman named Tillie Tarantino.
Tarantino is executive director of the Swinging 60s Senior Center in Greenpoint, which is funded by a Lopez-backed nonprofit. - New York Post, 11/25/2005
But advocates for the elderly saw the decision to go to a for-profit company as a shot across the bow of how social services are delivered. Assemb. Vito Lopez (D-Brooklyn), who is both benefactor and beneficiary of the Ridgewood-Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, said he will press in Albany for legislation directing future contracts to not-for-profit agencies.
Vito Lopez supports Republicans
1. LATINOS FOR GIULIANI? With Ferrer out, seven Latino Dems "trooped to City Hall to discuss endorsing" Giuliani. But only two of them "actually did" -- State Sen. Effrain Gonzalez and Assemblyman Vito Lopez "both longtime Giuliani allies." - New York Daily News 5/6/1997
2. ''I think that he has a track record of attempting to punish people who don't agree with him,'' said Assemblyman James F. Brennan. ''He runs primaries against people who cross him. And many people think there is a direct correlation between the executives of the city and state giving Ridgewood Bushwick millions of dollars and his endorsement of Pataki and Giuliani. And many people view that as fundamentally immoral.'' - The New York Times 10/24/2005
2. ''I think that he has a track record of attempting to punish people who don't agree with him,'' said Assemblyman James F. Brennan. ''He runs primaries against people who cross him. And many people think there is a direct correlation between the executives of the city and state giving Ridgewood Bushwick millions of dollars and his endorsement of Pataki and Giuliani. And many people view that as fundamentally immoral.'' - The New York Times 10/24/2005
3. All hell broke loose last week when Mayor Giuliani ventured into Bushwick to meet with Assemblyman Vito Lopez' political organization, Brooklyn Unidos. And the heat wasn't just coming from residents angry about being barred from the meeting. It came on the part of elected officials in the economically depressed neighborhood, who complained that 1) Lopez was aligning himself with (gasp) an enemy Republican, and 2) Lopez did it in secret. Heading up the angry chorus of dissed politicians was Councilman Martin Malave-Dilan, who said he found out about the meeting while watching television the day of the event. . . "If that means dealing with the Republicans, then we deal with the Rpublicans," Vito Lopez said. - New York Daily News, 4/16/1995
Tuesday, July 3, 2007
New York Times Looks at Vito Lopez: Growth of a New-Age Political Machine
In struggling neighborhoods from the northeast Bronx to southeast Queens, a new sort of political warlord is walking the ground that once belonged to the powerful Democratic county bosses in New York City. And none is more successful than a Brooklyn Assemblyman who is scarcely known outside political circles or his own dilapidated Bushwick neighborhood: Vito J. Lopez.
Over 17 years of near obscurity, Mr. Lopez has built the prototype of the modern inner-city political machine, one capable of generating thousands of votes and armies of volunteers, largely by exploiting its links to a social-service organization that Mr. Lopez founded and that is now the largest employer and economic enterprise in his neighborhood.
The machine is potent enough to induce pilgrimages from mayors, senators and, last year, a Presidential candidate named Bill Clinton, who arrived in a 15-car motorcade during last year's New York primary campaign.
The organization, the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, employs 1,400 people through more than 50 grants budgeted at more than $33 million annually. Yet at the same time many of those taxpayer dollars -- allocated for pressing human needs -- have been put to work for private, political purposes as well.
They have paid for an agglomeration of power that has stunted the neighborhood's political diversity, rewarded a handful of Mr. Lopez's proteges with well-paying jobs, enriched politically connected contractors and produced programs that in several instances have been criticized for accounting and performance.
Like the social-service groups connected to Representative Floyd H. Flake in Queens, Assemblyman Albert Vann in Bedford-Stuyvesant and Pedro Espada in the Soundview section of the Bronx, the Ridgewood Bushwick council has managed to fill the vacuum left by the dimming influence of county political bosses and the decade-long decline in Federal anti-poverty money. The strongest of the organizations have been able to wrest money from increasingly tight-fisted government agencies.
While several investigations and audits have found nothing illegal in the activities of Ridgewood Bushwick or Mr. Lopez, a look at the agency illustrates the conflicts between governmental and political interests and raises questions about whether well-meaning programs are hurt.
Each day, the council cares for 900 homebound people, provides lunch for more than 600 elderly people and houses several hundred people in $20 million worth of government-subsidized apartments.
Operating far beyond the orb of the standard program for the aged, it counsels tenant organizations, provides legal help in Housing Court, markets private houses, runs youth employment and immigrant rights programs and arranges for people to go to college in Ridgewood Bushwick-sponsored programs. While operating predominantly in Bushwick, it also offers programs in Ridgewood and Glendale in Queens and East New York in Brooklyn.
But politics infuses it from top to bottom: Ridgewood Bushwick's executive director and deputy director serve as a chief fund-raiser and treasurer of Mr. Lopez's political campaigns. The Ridgewood Bushwick official who has run its immigrant assistance program is the co-leader of Mr. Lopez's political club.
Ridgewood Bushwick employees and contractors are asked to pour time and money into Mr. Lopez's races and those of his allies. And his political supporters help the organization secure lucrative grants and then reap political i.o.u.'s.
Making this more extraordinary is the ethnic disparity between Mr. Lopez and the four top Ridgewood Bushwick officials on one hand, who are white, and Bushwick's population, which is 95 percent black and Hispanic. The Assemblyman, who speaks limited Spanish, owes his surname to a paternal grandfather from outside Barcelona.
In an interview, Mr. Lopez described the links between Ridgewood Bushwick and his political endeavors as fundamental to building neighborhood influence in a politically anemic community. He took pride in his political empire, berated detractors, and defended Ridgewood Bushwick's performance and his commitment to Hispanic causes.
"The top social service centers in Bushwick are run by FEGS, Catholic Charities, N.Y.U. in Bushwick High School, the Grand Street Settlement," he said. "They're all from the outside. There has to be an empowerment of local groups. Once you do it, it's called politics, but I'm proud of it, I really am."
Finding Bushwick On the Political Map
When he arrived in Bushwick as a civil servant in the city's Human Resources Administration in the early 1970's, Mr. Lopez was in his words, "wearing flowered shirts and into anything but politics." The son of a wire service photographer, he grew up seven miles away in Bensonhurst, had organized anti-war demonstrations, and "didn't know where Bushwick was" when he was sent to Stanhope Street to convert an empty welfare office to a senior center.
Of predominantly Italian heritage, he found a constituency in the Italian clubs and cafes that still dotted the increasingly Hispanic neighborhood. He built the center's staff and programs by convincing local organizations to lend him 10 workers apportioned under a Federal jobs program.
When the Reagan Administration killed the program, many workers and projects moved to Ridgewood Bushwick, which was incorporated by Mr. Lopez in 1976 though the city prevented him, as a civil servant, from holding an office in it. He has never held a formal position with the council. Among the workers were two who now head the agency -- and also are instrumental in running Mr. Lopez's campaigns -- Christiana Fisher and Angela Battaglia. According to the State Attorney General's office, Ms. Fisher received $75,437 in 1990 as Ridgewood Bushwick's director and head of its home care program, while Ms. Battaglia was paid $61,400 that year as the agency's deputy director and housing director.
In 1982, Mr. Lopez was elected to the Assembly, and he developed friendships with such figures as Mel Miller, who would become Assembly Speaker, Mayor Edward I. Koch and Anthony Genovesi, now an Assemblyman, who is leader of probably the city's most powerful old-fashioned political clubhouse, the Thomas Jefferson Club in Canarsie.
Now, though he remains a fixture at picket lines, he practices modern organization politics that brings in money for the social service agency that he started and turns out votes for his allies. Those outside his loop say their chances of winning government contracts or building political power are often crippled.
"In Brownsville we could do anything as far as raising money -- the politicians would be just as happy as you that you got it," recalled Msgr. John Powis, who worked for more than two decades in Brownsville before becoming pastor of Bushwick's historic St. Barbara's Roman Catholic Church. "In this neighborhood, all government programs come through Vito Lopez."
Richard C. Wade, distinguished professor of urban history at the City University, described it as "post-party politics."
Mr. Wade, referring to the Great Society era of President Lyndon B. Johnson, said, "Unlike the 60's when the feds were running wild, there's not much money around and whoever gets it is a real big shot. These guys are the post-Johnson poverticians."
It's Politics, Politics And More Politics
The interwoven relationship between the social-service goals of Ridgewood Bushwick and the political needs of Mr. Lopez can be seen in ways both blatant and subtle.
For instance, the program printed for Mr. Lopez's fund-raiser of March 2, 1990, carried many advertisements from Ridgewood Bushwick officials and agencies, including its four top officers, board chairman, two lawyers, housing department, education department, home care operation, adult training program and two employment programs whose financing was ended after they repeatedly failed to meet training and job placement goals. Also buying ads in the program were three contractors who built housing for the agency, two architects who designed buildings for it, one of its landlords and the university with which it runs an education program.
The Internal Revenue Service bars nonprofit organizations from "engaging in any political campaign on behalf of, or in opposition to, any candidate for public office." But an I.R.S. spokesman said that it was often difficult to establish violations and that the agency tried to bring not-for-profits into compliance rather than remove their status.
Four past or present Ridgewood Bushwick employees said in interviews that they were asked to help Mr. Lopez's political efforts. The employees, who spoke on the condition that their names not be used, said supervisors asked them to collect nominating signatures for Mr. Lopez and his friends, to buy tickets to a $60-a-seat fund-raiser Mr. Lopez held last year, and to encourage friends to contribute goods and services to events of Mr. Lopez's political club. In an interview, Mr. Lopez adamantly denied that such activity took place.
Ms. Battaglia said: "It's never held against them if they don't do it. When we send letters and notices to our vendors, it's always, 'Would you like to?' If they say, 'No,' no big thing."
The Ridgewood Bushwick senior center at 195 Linden Street offers an example of the overlap of government and politics. The center provides lunch for 100 elderly people each day and is run by an engaging woman named Anna Gonzalez.
She also carries nominating petitions for Mr. Lopez and his allies. Last year she collected more than 100 of the 5,200 signatures that Mr. Lopez amassed, many at a table in the lobby of the senior citizen housing project that includes her center. Ms. Gonzalez said she took vacation days for political work and performed none of it at the center.
On Election Day, those at the center find voting easy. Three polling places are there. Eleven more are in other Ridgewood Bushwick senior centers and housing projects, eight in Mr. Lopez's Assembly district. In the 1989 mayoral primary, when Mr. Koch was losing poor and minority neighborhoods by margins of as much as 10 to 1, he had Mr. Lopez's endorsement in Bushwick and managed to poll 40 percent of the vote.
Advantage of Allies In the Highest Places
When the agency faces a setback from bureaucrats, political influence has never hurt. In the mid-1980's, Ridgewood Bushwick applied to the regional office of the Federal Department of Housing and Urban Development to build two housing projects for the elderly but was rejected in favor of higher-rated proposals.
But Mr. Lopez had in his corner Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato, Republican of New York, who had been able to win other grants, including a $1.1 million swimming pool in Island Park, L.I., from personal discretionary funds controlled by Samuel R. Pierce Jr., then the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.
Mr. Pierce awarded Ridgewood Bushwick more than $14 million out of his discretionary fund for the two projects. After the award, Ridgewood Bushwick gave the contracts to build the projects to the Jobco Company of Long Island, owned by an important D'Amato fund-raiser, Michael Puntillo.
According to the Housing Department's records, the builder's fee could run as high as $784,621. And when Mr. D'Amato went to Stanhope Street during his tight campaign last year against Robert Abrams, Mr. Lopez sang his praises.
Ms. Battaglia said politics had nothing to do with Jobco's selection. She said that the company had approached the agency and that its offer was the best. Zenia Mucha, a spokeswoman for Mr. D'Amato, said he fought for the Ridgewood Bushwick projects "as hard as we fought for every other project." She said the Senator leaves selection of contractors to sponsoring agencies.
When the projects, one on Himrod Street and the other on Goodwin Place, opened last year, they were fraught with problems. The Goodwin Place project had trouble putting tenants in the rent-subsidized apartment. In fact three months after opening, said Ms. Battaglia, the occupancy rate was "a mere 5 percent," which she attributed to extensive paperwork requirements.
After an inspection of Himrod Street last June, Gerald W. Sheridan of the H.U.D. area office cited 20 violations of varying import and wrote Ms. Battaglia that "procedures were found to be so deficient that we found it necessary to train your staff in the areas covered in this report."
In an interview, H.U.D. officials said the worst problems at the Himrod Street project had been corrected as a result of the training.
As Ridgewood Bushwick was working out these problems, it received H.U.D. approval for a third project for the elderly, which has a projected cost of $9.3 million. One housing official said that after the approval, Mr. Lopez began to seek a site change from the approved location of Troutman Street and Evergreen Avenue. Because of legislative redistricting, the location wound up two blocks outside his district.
Ms. Battaglia said a H.U.D. architect had first suggested the change, but Adam Glantz, a department spokesman, said that the proposal had come from Ridgewood Bushwick and that his agency was considering a new site. The new site happens to be within Mr. Lopez's district.
The Assemblyman denied lobbying for the change. "Show me a letter where I said the site should be moved," he demanded heatedly. But after a moment, more calmly, he added: "I don't mind it coming into my district. I'd love to get more programs in my district, and I'm committed to that. I'd love it. I really would."
GRAPHIC: Photos: The Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, founded by Vito J. Lopez, a Brooklyn Assemblyman, has become the largest employer and economic enterprise in the neighborhood, encouraging visits from many politicians. (Edward Keating/The New York Times); Vito J. Lopez (Ruby Washington/The New York Times) (pg. 35); The Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council cares each day for 900 homebound people, provides lunch for more than 600 elderly people and houses several hundred more. Vito J. Lopez, right, addressed members of the group. With him, from left, were Assemblyman Anthony Seminerio, Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato and Pamela Fisher, director of the Stanhope Street Senior Citizen Center. (Edward Keating/The New York Times) (pg. 38)
Map/Chart: "Serving Bushwick and Its Voters"; describes and indicates location of many offices associated with Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council. - New York Times, 2/7/93
Over 17 years of near obscurity, Mr. Lopez has built the prototype of the modern inner-city political machine, one capable of generating thousands of votes and armies of volunteers, largely by exploiting its links to a social-service organization that Mr. Lopez founded and that is now the largest employer and economic enterprise in his neighborhood.
The machine is potent enough to induce pilgrimages from mayors, senators and, last year, a Presidential candidate named Bill Clinton, who arrived in a 15-car motorcade during last year's New York primary campaign.
The organization, the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, employs 1,400 people through more than 50 grants budgeted at more than $33 million annually. Yet at the same time many of those taxpayer dollars -- allocated for pressing human needs -- have been put to work for private, political purposes as well.
They have paid for an agglomeration of power that has stunted the neighborhood's political diversity, rewarded a handful of Mr. Lopez's proteges with well-paying jobs, enriched politically connected contractors and produced programs that in several instances have been criticized for accounting and performance.
Like the social-service groups connected to Representative Floyd H. Flake in Queens, Assemblyman Albert Vann in Bedford-Stuyvesant and Pedro Espada in the Soundview section of the Bronx, the Ridgewood Bushwick council has managed to fill the vacuum left by the dimming influence of county political bosses and the decade-long decline in Federal anti-poverty money. The strongest of the organizations have been able to wrest money from increasingly tight-fisted government agencies.
While several investigations and audits have found nothing illegal in the activities of Ridgewood Bushwick or Mr. Lopez, a look at the agency illustrates the conflicts between governmental and political interests and raises questions about whether well-meaning programs are hurt.
Each day, the council cares for 900 homebound people, provides lunch for more than 600 elderly people and houses several hundred people in $20 million worth of government-subsidized apartments.
Operating far beyond the orb of the standard program for the aged, it counsels tenant organizations, provides legal help in Housing Court, markets private houses, runs youth employment and immigrant rights programs and arranges for people to go to college in Ridgewood Bushwick-sponsored programs. While operating predominantly in Bushwick, it also offers programs in Ridgewood and Glendale in Queens and East New York in Brooklyn.
But politics infuses it from top to bottom: Ridgewood Bushwick's executive director and deputy director serve as a chief fund-raiser and treasurer of Mr. Lopez's political campaigns. The Ridgewood Bushwick official who has run its immigrant assistance program is the co-leader of Mr. Lopez's political club.
Ridgewood Bushwick employees and contractors are asked to pour time and money into Mr. Lopez's races and those of his allies. And his political supporters help the organization secure lucrative grants and then reap political i.o.u.'s.
Making this more extraordinary is the ethnic disparity between Mr. Lopez and the four top Ridgewood Bushwick officials on one hand, who are white, and Bushwick's population, which is 95 percent black and Hispanic. The Assemblyman, who speaks limited Spanish, owes his surname to a paternal grandfather from outside Barcelona.
In an interview, Mr. Lopez described the links between Ridgewood Bushwick and his political endeavors as fundamental to building neighborhood influence in a politically anemic community. He took pride in his political empire, berated detractors, and defended Ridgewood Bushwick's performance and his commitment to Hispanic causes.
"The top social service centers in Bushwick are run by FEGS, Catholic Charities, N.Y.U. in Bushwick High School, the Grand Street Settlement," he said. "They're all from the outside. There has to be an empowerment of local groups. Once you do it, it's called politics, but I'm proud of it, I really am."
Finding Bushwick On the Political Map
When he arrived in Bushwick as a civil servant in the city's Human Resources Administration in the early 1970's, Mr. Lopez was in his words, "wearing flowered shirts and into anything but politics." The son of a wire service photographer, he grew up seven miles away in Bensonhurst, had organized anti-war demonstrations, and "didn't know where Bushwick was" when he was sent to Stanhope Street to convert an empty welfare office to a senior center.
Of predominantly Italian heritage, he found a constituency in the Italian clubs and cafes that still dotted the increasingly Hispanic neighborhood. He built the center's staff and programs by convincing local organizations to lend him 10 workers apportioned under a Federal jobs program.
When the Reagan Administration killed the program, many workers and projects moved to Ridgewood Bushwick, which was incorporated by Mr. Lopez in 1976 though the city prevented him, as a civil servant, from holding an office in it. He has never held a formal position with the council. Among the workers were two who now head the agency -- and also are instrumental in running Mr. Lopez's campaigns -- Christiana Fisher and Angela Battaglia. According to the State Attorney General's office, Ms. Fisher received $75,437 in 1990 as Ridgewood Bushwick's director and head of its home care program, while Ms. Battaglia was paid $61,400 that year as the agency's deputy director and housing director.
In 1982, Mr. Lopez was elected to the Assembly, and he developed friendships with such figures as Mel Miller, who would become Assembly Speaker, Mayor Edward I. Koch and Anthony Genovesi, now an Assemblyman, who is leader of probably the city's most powerful old-fashioned political clubhouse, the Thomas Jefferson Club in Canarsie.
Now, though he remains a fixture at picket lines, he practices modern organization politics that brings in money for the social service agency that he started and turns out votes for his allies. Those outside his loop say their chances of winning government contracts or building political power are often crippled.
"In Brownsville we could do anything as far as raising money -- the politicians would be just as happy as you that you got it," recalled Msgr. John Powis, who worked for more than two decades in Brownsville before becoming pastor of Bushwick's historic St. Barbara's Roman Catholic Church. "In this neighborhood, all government programs come through Vito Lopez."
Richard C. Wade, distinguished professor of urban history at the City University, described it as "post-party politics."
Mr. Wade, referring to the Great Society era of President Lyndon B. Johnson, said, "Unlike the 60's when the feds were running wild, there's not much money around and whoever gets it is a real big shot. These guys are the post-Johnson poverticians."
It's Politics, Politics And More Politics
The interwoven relationship between the social-service goals of Ridgewood Bushwick and the political needs of Mr. Lopez can be seen in ways both blatant and subtle.
For instance, the program printed for Mr. Lopez's fund-raiser of March 2, 1990, carried many advertisements from Ridgewood Bushwick officials and agencies, including its four top officers, board chairman, two lawyers, housing department, education department, home care operation, adult training program and two employment programs whose financing was ended after they repeatedly failed to meet training and job placement goals. Also buying ads in the program were three contractors who built housing for the agency, two architects who designed buildings for it, one of its landlords and the university with which it runs an education program.
The Internal Revenue Service bars nonprofit organizations from "engaging in any political campaign on behalf of, or in opposition to, any candidate for public office." But an I.R.S. spokesman said that it was often difficult to establish violations and that the agency tried to bring not-for-profits into compliance rather than remove their status.
Four past or present Ridgewood Bushwick employees said in interviews that they were asked to help Mr. Lopez's political efforts. The employees, who spoke on the condition that their names not be used, said supervisors asked them to collect nominating signatures for Mr. Lopez and his friends, to buy tickets to a $60-a-seat fund-raiser Mr. Lopez held last year, and to encourage friends to contribute goods and services to events of Mr. Lopez's political club. In an interview, Mr. Lopez adamantly denied that such activity took place.
Ms. Battaglia said: "It's never held against them if they don't do it. When we send letters and notices to our vendors, it's always, 'Would you like to?' If they say, 'No,' no big thing."
The Ridgewood Bushwick senior center at 195 Linden Street offers an example of the overlap of government and politics. The center provides lunch for 100 elderly people each day and is run by an engaging woman named Anna Gonzalez.
She also carries nominating petitions for Mr. Lopez and his allies. Last year she collected more than 100 of the 5,200 signatures that Mr. Lopez amassed, many at a table in the lobby of the senior citizen housing project that includes her center. Ms. Gonzalez said she took vacation days for political work and performed none of it at the center.
On Election Day, those at the center find voting easy. Three polling places are there. Eleven more are in other Ridgewood Bushwick senior centers and housing projects, eight in Mr. Lopez's Assembly district. In the 1989 mayoral primary, when Mr. Koch was losing poor and minority neighborhoods by margins of as much as 10 to 1, he had Mr. Lopez's endorsement in Bushwick and managed to poll 40 percent of the vote.
Advantage of Allies In the Highest Places
When the agency faces a setback from bureaucrats, political influence has never hurt. In the mid-1980's, Ridgewood Bushwick applied to the regional office of the Federal Department of Housing and Urban Development to build two housing projects for the elderly but was rejected in favor of higher-rated proposals.
But Mr. Lopez had in his corner Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato, Republican of New York, who had been able to win other grants, including a $1.1 million swimming pool in Island Park, L.I., from personal discretionary funds controlled by Samuel R. Pierce Jr., then the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.
Mr. Pierce awarded Ridgewood Bushwick more than $14 million out of his discretionary fund for the two projects. After the award, Ridgewood Bushwick gave the contracts to build the projects to the Jobco Company of Long Island, owned by an important D'Amato fund-raiser, Michael Puntillo.
According to the Housing Department's records, the builder's fee could run as high as $784,621. And when Mr. D'Amato went to Stanhope Street during his tight campaign last year against Robert Abrams, Mr. Lopez sang his praises.
Ms. Battaglia said politics had nothing to do with Jobco's selection. She said that the company had approached the agency and that its offer was the best. Zenia Mucha, a spokeswoman for Mr. D'Amato, said he fought for the Ridgewood Bushwick projects "as hard as we fought for every other project." She said the Senator leaves selection of contractors to sponsoring agencies.
When the projects, one on Himrod Street and the other on Goodwin Place, opened last year, they were fraught with problems. The Goodwin Place project had trouble putting tenants in the rent-subsidized apartment. In fact three months after opening, said Ms. Battaglia, the occupancy rate was "a mere 5 percent," which she attributed to extensive paperwork requirements.
After an inspection of Himrod Street last June, Gerald W. Sheridan of the H.U.D. area office cited 20 violations of varying import and wrote Ms. Battaglia that "procedures were found to be so deficient that we found it necessary to train your staff in the areas covered in this report."
In an interview, H.U.D. officials said the worst problems at the Himrod Street project had been corrected as a result of the training.
As Ridgewood Bushwick was working out these problems, it received H.U.D. approval for a third project for the elderly, which has a projected cost of $9.3 million. One housing official said that after the approval, Mr. Lopez began to seek a site change from the approved location of Troutman Street and Evergreen Avenue. Because of legislative redistricting, the location wound up two blocks outside his district.
Ms. Battaglia said a H.U.D. architect had first suggested the change, but Adam Glantz, a department spokesman, said that the proposal had come from Ridgewood Bushwick and that his agency was considering a new site. The new site happens to be within Mr. Lopez's district.
The Assemblyman denied lobbying for the change. "Show me a letter where I said the site should be moved," he demanded heatedly. But after a moment, more calmly, he added: "I don't mind it coming into my district. I'd love to get more programs in my district, and I'm committed to that. I'd love it. I really would."
GRAPHIC: Photos: The Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, founded by Vito J. Lopez, a Brooklyn Assemblyman, has become the largest employer and economic enterprise in the neighborhood, encouraging visits from many politicians. (Edward Keating/The New York Times); Vito J. Lopez (Ruby Washington/The New York Times) (pg. 35); The Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council cares each day for 900 homebound people, provides lunch for more than 600 elderly people and houses several hundred more. Vito J. Lopez, right, addressed members of the group. With him, from left, were Assemblyman Anthony Seminerio, Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato and Pamela Fisher, director of the Stanhope Street Senior Citizen Center. (Edward Keating/The New York Times) (pg. 38)
Map/Chart: "Serving Bushwick and Its Voters"; describes and indicates location of many offices associated with Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council. - New York Times, 2/7/93
Thursday, June 21, 2007
Turf War Over a Brooklyn Patronage Prize
June 21, 2007, 1:15 pm By Jonathan P. Hicks
It seems as if there is always some political battle within the boroughs of New York City where, on center stage, is either race and ethnicity. Or a turf war waged by one political club or another, or the party organization seeking to flex its muscles.
But every now and then, you might get all of this in one race. Such political theater is being played out for a surrogate judgeship in Brooklyn.
Once upon a time, the New York City Surrogate’s Court was informally called the Widows and Orphans Court. For the most part, it’s a mystery to most voters, unless they deal with estates and adoptions. But politicians know it well, as a last bastion of patronage, funneling hundreds of thousands of dollars a year to lawyers who serve as guardians and conservators in thousands of estate cases.
One of Brooklyn’s two surrogates, Frank R. Seddio, stepped down in May. And the race to succeed him has attracted two candidates with major support among the leaders within Brooklyn Democratic-elected officials.
Albert Vann (Photo: Angel Franco/The New York Times)One is Diana Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice who lost an incredibly tight race — by 102 votes — for Brooklyn surrogate two years ago. The other is Civil Court Judge ShawnDya L. Simpson, who is a former Brooklyn assistant district attorney.
This year’s race could well make history, by electing Brooklyn’s first black surrogate. But while both candidates are black women with strong résumés, their support comes from different quarters of the borough. (A third candidate, Leo D. Beitner, who has strong support among Orthodox Jews, is in the race, but he does not have support among the political clubs that wield the most influence in the race.)
Now there are two political camps telling voters “we have the better black woman.”
There is Ms. Johnson, who has been endorsed by a number of the so-called reform political clubs in Brooklyn, such as the Independent Neighborhood Democrats and the Central Brooklyn Independent Democrats. But also, she has been supported by a large group of black elected officials, particularly from central Brooklyn.
“She is very well qualified and is probably more knowledgeable about the Surrogate Court than anyone I’ve met,” said City Councilman Albert Vann, who is widely considered to be the current dean of Brooklyn’s black politicians.
Vito J. Lopez (Photo: Michael Nagle for The New York Times)On the other side is Ms. Simpson, who is backed by the head of Brooklyn’s Democratic organization, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez as well as one of the legendary political clubs of the borough, the Thomas Jefferson Democratic Club. The T.J. Club was the home not only of the late Assemblyman Anthony J. Genovesi, the onetime Brooklyn political powerhouse, but it is also the club that helped make Mr. Seddio the successor to Mr. Genovesi in Albany, before becoming surrogate.
Several black politicians have applauded the fact that the county leader and the T.J. Club were endorsing a black woman for surrogate. But they contend Mr. Lopez, who is white, should have consulted black elected officials about which black woman to endorse.
“He should have involved some of the black elected officials, in his decision,” Mr. Vann said. “I certainly wasn’t contacted. And I know a lot of other black leaders who weren’t.”
Mr. Lopez said that his decision to endorse Ms. Simpson was the outcome of a vote among the party’s 42 district leaders. “It was decision based on leaders’ choice,” he said. “About 20 leaders didn’t participate in the vote. And Diana Johnson didn’t meet with me, even though I attempted to reach out to her.”
The third candidate in the race, Mr. Beitner, is the chief attorney in the Surrogate’s Court. He is supported by many leaders in the Orthodox Jewish community. “I’m apolitical and I’m looking for community support, not political support,” he said.
With petitioning — the collection of signatures for candidates to qualify for the ballot — now in full swing, it should be an interesting campaign leading up to the Sept. 18 primary.
It seems as if there is always some political battle within the boroughs of New York City where, on center stage, is either race and ethnicity. Or a turf war waged by one political club or another, or the party organization seeking to flex its muscles.
But every now and then, you might get all of this in one race. Such political theater is being played out for a surrogate judgeship in Brooklyn.
Once upon a time, the New York City Surrogate’s Court was informally called the Widows and Orphans Court. For the most part, it’s a mystery to most voters, unless they deal with estates and adoptions. But politicians know it well, as a last bastion of patronage, funneling hundreds of thousands of dollars a year to lawyers who serve as guardians and conservators in thousands of estate cases.
One of Brooklyn’s two surrogates, Frank R. Seddio, stepped down in May. And the race to succeed him has attracted two candidates with major support among the leaders within Brooklyn Democratic-elected officials.
Albert Vann (Photo: Angel Franco/The New York Times)One is Diana Johnson, a State Supreme Court justice who lost an incredibly tight race — by 102 votes — for Brooklyn surrogate two years ago. The other is Civil Court Judge ShawnDya L. Simpson, who is a former Brooklyn assistant district attorney.
This year’s race could well make history, by electing Brooklyn’s first black surrogate. But while both candidates are black women with strong résumés, their support comes from different quarters of the borough. (A third candidate, Leo D. Beitner, who has strong support among Orthodox Jews, is in the race, but he does not have support among the political clubs that wield the most influence in the race.)
Now there are two political camps telling voters “we have the better black woman.”
There is Ms. Johnson, who has been endorsed by a number of the so-called reform political clubs in Brooklyn, such as the Independent Neighborhood Democrats and the Central Brooklyn Independent Democrats. But also, she has been supported by a large group of black elected officials, particularly from central Brooklyn.
“She is very well qualified and is probably more knowledgeable about the Surrogate Court than anyone I’ve met,” said City Councilman Albert Vann, who is widely considered to be the current dean of Brooklyn’s black politicians.
Vito J. Lopez (Photo: Michael Nagle for The New York Times)On the other side is Ms. Simpson, who is backed by the head of Brooklyn’s Democratic organization, Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez as well as one of the legendary political clubs of the borough, the Thomas Jefferson Democratic Club. The T.J. Club was the home not only of the late Assemblyman Anthony J. Genovesi, the onetime Brooklyn political powerhouse, but it is also the club that helped make Mr. Seddio the successor to Mr. Genovesi in Albany, before becoming surrogate.
Several black politicians have applauded the fact that the county leader and the T.J. Club were endorsing a black woman for surrogate. But they contend Mr. Lopez, who is white, should have consulted black elected officials about which black woman to endorse.
“He should have involved some of the black elected officials, in his decision,” Mr. Vann said. “I certainly wasn’t contacted. And I know a lot of other black leaders who weren’t.”
Mr. Lopez said that his decision to endorse Ms. Simpson was the outcome of a vote among the party’s 42 district leaders. “It was decision based on leaders’ choice,” he said. “About 20 leaders didn’t participate in the vote. And Diana Johnson didn’t meet with me, even though I attempted to reach out to her.”
The third candidate in the race, Mr. Beitner, is the chief attorney in the Surrogate’s Court. He is supported by many leaders in the Orthodox Jewish community. “I’m apolitical and I’m looking for community support, not political support,” he said.
With petitioning — the collection of signatures for candidates to qualify for the ballot — now in full swing, it should be an interesting campaign leading up to the Sept. 18 primary.
Sunday, June 17, 2007
Vito Double Dipping
A powerful Brooklyn lawmaker who has delivered millions of dollars in state aid to his district is also on the payroll of one of the community groups he has funded - but won't say what he's paid to do.
Assemblyman Vito Lopez (D-Bushwick) has been a consultant to a not-for-profit housing group since 1998, earning as much as $57,600 a year, according to tax records and check stubs obtained by The Post.
Lopez's consulting fees come on top of the $92,000 annual salary he earns as a state lawmaker and committee chairman.
When asked about his role as a consultant and any possible conflict with his position as chairman of the Assembly's Housing Committee, Lopez erupted in a bizarre tirade.
"On Tuesday we're feeding 2,000 senior citizens, what are you doing?" he snapped.
"How much do you get paid?" Lopez continued. "Unless you tell me how much you get paid and what you're doing on Christmas, I won't answer your questions."
Yet even when that information was provided, Lopez still refused to discuss his consulting work or explain what the housing-management group does in his district.
Lopez even suggested The Post's questions be posed to one of his daughters. He later tried to say he was joking with that suggestion.
Lopez is among Gov. Pataki's strongest supporters in the city. He has boasted of the tens of millions of dollars that he has brought to his district annually for housing and other programs.
Groups he has founded depend heavily on state largess. His Bushwick-Ridgewood Senior Citizens Center, an umbrella group for many of the district's not-for-profits, receives $7 million a year in public funds.
Community Property Management Inc. operates housing built or rehabilitated by groups affiliated with the Bushwick-Ridgewood Senior Citizens Center. Officials at the management group did not return calls for comment.
In filings with the state's Legislative Ethics Committee, Lopez, as required by law, declared his consulting work for Community Property Management during 1998, 1999 and 2000.
In those filings, Lopez described the work as providing technical assistance for program development, but was not required to state his income.
Source Citation: "POL BENEFIT$ FROM STATE-AIDED GROUP.(News)." New York Post (New York, NY) (Dec 23, 2001):
Assemblyman Vito Lopez (D-Bushwick) has been a consultant to a not-for-profit housing group since 1998, earning as much as $57,600 a year, according to tax records and check stubs obtained by The Post.
Lopez's consulting fees come on top of the $92,000 annual salary he earns as a state lawmaker and committee chairman.
When asked about his role as a consultant and any possible conflict with his position as chairman of the Assembly's Housing Committee, Lopez erupted in a bizarre tirade.
"On Tuesday we're feeding 2,000 senior citizens, what are you doing?" he snapped.
"How much do you get paid?" Lopez continued. "Unless you tell me how much you get paid and what you're doing on Christmas, I won't answer your questions."
Yet even when that information was provided, Lopez still refused to discuss his consulting work or explain what the housing-management group does in his district.
Lopez even suggested The Post's questions be posed to one of his daughters. He later tried to say he was joking with that suggestion.
Lopez is among Gov. Pataki's strongest supporters in the city. He has boasted of the tens of millions of dollars that he has brought to his district annually for housing and other programs.
Groups he has founded depend heavily on state largess. His Bushwick-Ridgewood Senior Citizens Center, an umbrella group for many of the district's not-for-profits, receives $7 million a year in public funds.
Community Property Management Inc. operates housing built or rehabilitated by groups affiliated with the Bushwick-Ridgewood Senior Citizens Center. Officials at the management group did not return calls for comment.
In filings with the state's Legislative Ethics Committee, Lopez, as required by law, declared his consulting work for Community Property Management during 1998, 1999 and 2000.
In those filings, Lopez described the work as providing technical assistance for program development, but was not required to state his income.
Source Citation: "POL BENEFIT$ FROM STATE-AIDED GROUP.(News)." New York Post (New York, NY) (Dec 23, 2001):
Thursday, May 17, 2007
Does Vito Lopez have a Norman problem?
Brooklyn assemblyman Vito Lopez, who is pushing hard to win the county's Democratic Party leadership post made vacant by the conviction of his former assembly colleague, Clarence Norman, Jr., has something else in common with Norman: Both men used political campaign committees to pay for their personal cars, and then accepted mileage reimbursement from the legislature - a legal no-no according to Brooklyn District Attorney Charles "Joe" Hynes who won indictments against Norman for that very offense.
State election board filings show that since 1999 the Bushwick pol's campaign committee, "Friends of Vito Lopez," has routinely shelled out $500 a month in leasing costs for his Acura sports car, and another $2800 a year for his auto insurance costs. It also pays more than $200 a month for a luxury dashboard computer service. In addition, the committee picks up a monthly American Express bill for the assemblyman, a tab that runs from $400 to $8,000 a month.
At the same time, legislative expense records show that Lopez has routinely billed the Assembly for his weekly 320-mile round trip between Brooklyn and Albany when the legislature is in session. Legislators are reimbursed on a per-mile amount, currently pegged at 48.5 cents, a figure that is set by the federal IRS and which is calculated to reflect the full cost of owning and maintaining an automobile, including fuel costs. To obtain reimbursement, lawmakers are required to fill out a detailed sheet specifying mileage, and must certify that it is truthful and accurate.
In Norman's case, the payments were made by the Kings County Democratic Committee, a practice Hynes said constituted double dipping. Two years ago, Hynes won indictments against Norman for grand larceny and 76 counts of filing falsified expense statements. Norman's attorneys challenged the charges, but courts have upheld them saying that the grand jury that indicted the former Bed-Stuy powerbroker correctly found that Norman was seeking reimbursement under false pretenses. Norman has yet to be tried on those charges. He was convicted of separate campaign abuses last month and forced to give up his law license and political positions.
A Hynes source said Lopez's filings appeared to be similar to Norman's, and are currently under scrutiny. "There is a pending investigation," the source said.
Lopez vehemently defended his practice and said he's doing nothing wrong. "There are at least 15 or 20 legislators who do the same thing," he said. Lopez said that he splits the cost of his car and insurance, with his campaign committee paying 70 percent of the tab, while he pays the rest himself. Lopez said that his total monthly lease payments for the auto run a whopping $800, but he refused to provide specifics.
Lopez also declined to say what's covered by his American Express bills, but insisted that they don't include his auto upkeep or gas costs. He pays for all of that, even new tires, out of his own pocket, and in cash, he said. Always cash? Even at a self-service gas pump? "Yes, this politician pays in cash. I just bought a new Michelin tire. I paid for it in cash, I could send you the receipt." Would he? "No, I am not going to give you anything. I have gone way beyond what I should. I know what this is all about. You are trying to bring me down."
Norman's indictment on the expense-padding charges came after two other city legislators, former Bronx assemblywoman Gloria Davis, and Brooklyn assemblyman Roger Green, were also cited for improperly seeking travel reimbursement. But even in the wake of those scandals, Lopez said he had never sought an opinion regarding his own expense practices. "Others have gotten legal opinions," he said. "It's legal."
Brooklyn's Democratic district leaders are due to meet next Tuesday to consider plans for choosing a new chairman of the party's executive committee-the party leader's formal title. Lopez claims he already has 25 votes - more than enough to put himself over the top. But others disputed his math, saying he has no more than 19 or 20, still shy of the 22-vote majority needed for victory. But Lopez is already talking like he has it wrapped up. "My pledge is to bring unity and respectability to the party," he said.
Lopez would also bring a penchant for endorsing Republicans over Democrats. In recent elections, he backed Rudy Giuliani for mayor, and George Pataki for governor. He also backed his longtime ally, former Senator Al D'Amato, against Democrat and fellow Brooklynite Charles Schumer in 1998.
"Lots of Democrats did the same thing," he responded. "I am responsible for putting some of the best, most progressive judges on the bench, how about that?"
posted: 9:17 AM, October 5, 2005 by Tom Robbins
State election board filings show that since 1999 the Bushwick pol's campaign committee, "Friends of Vito Lopez," has routinely shelled out $500 a month in leasing costs for his Acura sports car, and another $2800 a year for his auto insurance costs. It also pays more than $200 a month for a luxury dashboard computer service. In addition, the committee picks up a monthly American Express bill for the assemblyman, a tab that runs from $400 to $8,000 a month.
At the same time, legislative expense records show that Lopez has routinely billed the Assembly for his weekly 320-mile round trip between Brooklyn and Albany when the legislature is in session. Legislators are reimbursed on a per-mile amount, currently pegged at 48.5 cents, a figure that is set by the federal IRS and which is calculated to reflect the full cost of owning and maintaining an automobile, including fuel costs. To obtain reimbursement, lawmakers are required to fill out a detailed sheet specifying mileage, and must certify that it is truthful and accurate.
In Norman's case, the payments were made by the Kings County Democratic Committee, a practice Hynes said constituted double dipping. Two years ago, Hynes won indictments against Norman for grand larceny and 76 counts of filing falsified expense statements. Norman's attorneys challenged the charges, but courts have upheld them saying that the grand jury that indicted the former Bed-Stuy powerbroker correctly found that Norman was seeking reimbursement under false pretenses. Norman has yet to be tried on those charges. He was convicted of separate campaign abuses last month and forced to give up his law license and political positions.
A Hynes source said Lopez's filings appeared to be similar to Norman's, and are currently under scrutiny. "There is a pending investigation," the source said.
Lopez vehemently defended his practice and said he's doing nothing wrong. "There are at least 15 or 20 legislators who do the same thing," he said. Lopez said that he splits the cost of his car and insurance, with his campaign committee paying 70 percent of the tab, while he pays the rest himself. Lopez said that his total monthly lease payments for the auto run a whopping $800, but he refused to provide specifics.
Lopez also declined to say what's covered by his American Express bills, but insisted that they don't include his auto upkeep or gas costs. He pays for all of that, even new tires, out of his own pocket, and in cash, he said. Always cash? Even at a self-service gas pump? "Yes, this politician pays in cash. I just bought a new Michelin tire. I paid for it in cash, I could send you the receipt." Would he? "No, I am not going to give you anything. I have gone way beyond what I should. I know what this is all about. You are trying to bring me down."
Norman's indictment on the expense-padding charges came after two other city legislators, former Bronx assemblywoman Gloria Davis, and Brooklyn assemblyman Roger Green, were also cited for improperly seeking travel reimbursement. But even in the wake of those scandals, Lopez said he had never sought an opinion regarding his own expense practices. "Others have gotten legal opinions," he said. "It's legal."
Brooklyn's Democratic district leaders are due to meet next Tuesday to consider plans for choosing a new chairman of the party's executive committee-the party leader's formal title. Lopez claims he already has 25 votes - more than enough to put himself over the top. But others disputed his math, saying he has no more than 19 or 20, still shy of the 22-vote majority needed for victory. But Lopez is already talking like he has it wrapped up. "My pledge is to bring unity and respectability to the party," he said.
Lopez would also bring a penchant for endorsing Republicans over Democrats. In recent elections, he backed Rudy Giuliani for mayor, and George Pataki for governor. He also backed his longtime ally, former Senator Al D'Amato, against Democrat and fellow Brooklynite Charles Schumer in 1998.
"Lots of Democrats did the same thing," he responded. "I am responsible for putting some of the best, most progressive judges on the bench, how about that?"
posted: 9:17 AM, October 5, 2005 by Tom Robbins
Saturday, May 5, 2007
Vito's Surrogate Judge Plan Derailed
Daily News Editorial, May 5, 2007
FRANK, WE HARDLY KNEW YA
There are fresh reports that, as we predicted, these are the last days of the very short judicial career of Brooklyn Surrogate Judge Frank Seddio. He is expected to quit the bench next week. Good riddance.
After we reported that Seddio had funneled campaign funds to buddies as he finagled the coveted judgeship from the Brooklyn Democratic machine, he became the subject of an investigation by the Commission on Judicial Conduct. He told pals he's quitting out of boredom, having taken office only last year. Right.
Bright-side factor: As long as Seddio quits before July, Brooklyn boss Vito Lopez will not be able to hand-pick a replacement. Since this is the same Lopez who placed his own daughter and his girlfriend's brother on the bench last year, better that there will be a completely open primary, with voters choosing the new surrogate.
But even better than that would be for the Legislature, which created Seddio's judgeship as part of a shady deal, to abolish the unneeded post. Seddio's departure removes only part of the stench.
FRANK, WE HARDLY KNEW YA
There are fresh reports that, as we predicted, these are the last days of the very short judicial career of Brooklyn Surrogate Judge Frank Seddio. He is expected to quit the bench next week. Good riddance.
After we reported that Seddio had funneled campaign funds to buddies as he finagled the coveted judgeship from the Brooklyn Democratic machine, he became the subject of an investigation by the Commission on Judicial Conduct. He told pals he's quitting out of boredom, having taken office only last year. Right.
Bright-side factor: As long as Seddio quits before July, Brooklyn boss Vito Lopez will not be able to hand-pick a replacement. Since this is the same Lopez who placed his own daughter and his girlfriend's brother on the bench last year, better that there will be a completely open primary, with voters choosing the new surrogate.
But even better than that would be for the Legislature, which created Seddio's judgeship as part of a shady deal, to abolish the unneeded post. Seddio's departure removes only part of the stench.
Wednesday, February 28, 2007
Lopez: "Kruger Appointment By Bruno Dawn of New Day"
US States news, February 28, 2007
SEN. BRUNO NAMES SEN. CARL KRUGER CHAIR OF SOCIAL SERVICES COMMITTEE
New York State Senate Majority Leader Joseph L. Bruno, R-Brunswick (43rd District), issued the following news release:
In an historic display of bipartisanship, Senate Majority Leader Joseph L. Bruno has appointed Sen. Carl Kruger (D-Brooklyn) to chair the Senate Committee on Social Services, Children and Families.
"In the spirit of reforming State government and the spirit of bipartisanship, I am appointing Democratic State Senator Carl Kruger to chair the Senate Committee on Social Services, Children and Families," Senator Bruno said. "This is a new day in the Capitol and the appointment of Senator Kruger clearly demonstrates our willingness to put partisanship aside and work together in the best interests of all New Yorkers."
In accepting this appointment, Senator Kruger said, "The message that Governor Spitzer has articulated has cre-ated the atmosphere where this could happen. He emphasized the need to set aside politics and partisanship for the sake of the public interest, ethics and good governance."
"I wanted the best person possible to take on this critically important committee and Senator Kruger was at the top of the list," Senator Bruno said. "He has an outstanding record of compassion and public service, representing his Brooklyn district for 13 years. He is well respected and known for his ability to work with people to get a positive result and that is the kind of person we need to chair this committee."
Senator Kruger noted that he has been and will always remain a "lifelong, independent Democrat" who is "not changing his party and will not be joining the Majority conference."
"Senator Bruno, to his credit, has been steadfast in his belief that this appointment be totally and completely blind to a political agenda and, instead, be about providing a voice for those who cannot speak for themselves, including soci-ety's most vulnerable citizens - the disabled, the infirm, our senior citizens, youth and all those who will benefit from the strong voice of advocacy," Senator Kruger said.
Senator Kruger said that he hopes that "this nonpartisan agenda of reform will continue to grow until it is common practice in the Legislature."
A graphic example of this philosophy was best demonstrated by Assemblyman Vito Lopez, who stated, "the ap-pointment of Senator Carl Kruger as Chair of the Committee on Social Services, Children and Families could be the dawn of a new day in the Legislature." "Actions such as this one send a powerful message to the people of New York State, a message that reflects the original intent of the Founding Fathers, that good governance is defined by loyalty to the public interest and not private concerns," Senator Kruger said.
SEN. BRUNO NAMES SEN. CARL KRUGER CHAIR OF SOCIAL SERVICES COMMITTEE
New York State Senate Majority Leader Joseph L. Bruno, R-Brunswick (43rd District), issued the following news release:
In an historic display of bipartisanship, Senate Majority Leader Joseph L. Bruno has appointed Sen. Carl Kruger (D-Brooklyn) to chair the Senate Committee on Social Services, Children and Families.
"In the spirit of reforming State government and the spirit of bipartisanship, I am appointing Democratic State Senator Carl Kruger to chair the Senate Committee on Social Services, Children and Families," Senator Bruno said. "This is a new day in the Capitol and the appointment of Senator Kruger clearly demonstrates our willingness to put partisanship aside and work together in the best interests of all New Yorkers."
In accepting this appointment, Senator Kruger said, "The message that Governor Spitzer has articulated has cre-ated the atmosphere where this could happen. He emphasized the need to set aside politics and partisanship for the sake of the public interest, ethics and good governance."
"I wanted the best person possible to take on this critically important committee and Senator Kruger was at the top of the list," Senator Bruno said. "He has an outstanding record of compassion and public service, representing his Brooklyn district for 13 years. He is well respected and known for his ability to work with people to get a positive result and that is the kind of person we need to chair this committee."
Senator Kruger noted that he has been and will always remain a "lifelong, independent Democrat" who is "not changing his party and will not be joining the Majority conference."
"Senator Bruno, to his credit, has been steadfast in his belief that this appointment be totally and completely blind to a political agenda and, instead, be about providing a voice for those who cannot speak for themselves, including soci-ety's most vulnerable citizens - the disabled, the infirm, our senior citizens, youth and all those who will benefit from the strong voice of advocacy," Senator Kruger said.
Senator Kruger said that he hopes that "this nonpartisan agenda of reform will continue to grow until it is common practice in the Legislature."
A graphic example of this philosophy was best demonstrated by Assemblyman Vito Lopez, who stated, "the ap-pointment of Senator Carl Kruger as Chair of the Committee on Social Services, Children and Families could be the dawn of a new day in the Legislature." "Actions such as this one send a powerful message to the people of New York State, a message that reflects the original intent of the Founding Fathers, that good governance is defined by loyalty to the public interest and not private concerns," Senator Kruger said.
Wednesday, January 31, 2007
She fell into the party's disfavor when she refused to hire a law secretary demanded by Assemblyman Vito Lopez
Daily News, January 31, 2007
HEADLINE: NORMAN WOULDN'T SUPPORT MY BID, SAYS JUDGE
A JUDGE WHO rose to surrogate by crusading against Brooklyn's Democratic machine took the stand against ex-party boss Clarence Norman yesterday, telling jurors he had refused to support her 2002 Civil Court bid.
Surrogate Margarita Lopez Torres, a former Legal Aid attorney, was backed by the Brooklyn Democratic Party when she was first elected a Civil Court judge in 1992.
But her supporters have said she fell into the party's disfavor when she refused to hire a law secretary demanded by Assemblyman Vito Lopez, now the Brooklyn party chairman. Prosecutors were barred from asking her about that inci-dent.
When she sought Norman's backing for her 2002 reelection campaign, he refused, she said.
"The endorsement of the party is critical. They have tremendous power. They can make or break you," Lopez Tor-res said of her attempts to get Norman's backing.
Her failure to get his support led her to run as a reformer.
Norman is on trial for allegedly forcing two other 2002 candidates, Karen Yellen and Marcia Sikowitz, to pay fa-vored vendors in exchange for his support.
Lopez Torres testified that Norman, then the local Democratic leader, didn't care about her credentials or status as an accomplished Latina jurist.
His aide, Jeffrey Feldman, instead told her he didn't like her "lifestyle," she said.
But defense lawyer Anthony Ricco suggested the party couldn't have been omnipotent because Lopez Torres and another rebel candidate beat Yellen and Sikowitz. nkatz@nydailynews.com
HEADLINE: NORMAN WOULDN'T SUPPORT MY BID, SAYS JUDGE
A JUDGE WHO rose to surrogate by crusading against Brooklyn's Democratic machine took the stand against ex-party boss Clarence Norman yesterday, telling jurors he had refused to support her 2002 Civil Court bid.
Surrogate Margarita Lopez Torres, a former Legal Aid attorney, was backed by the Brooklyn Democratic Party when she was first elected a Civil Court judge in 1992.
But her supporters have said she fell into the party's disfavor when she refused to hire a law secretary demanded by Assemblyman Vito Lopez, now the Brooklyn party chairman. Prosecutors were barred from asking her about that inci-dent.
When she sought Norman's backing for her 2002 reelection campaign, he refused, she said.
"The endorsement of the party is critical. They have tremendous power. They can make or break you," Lopez Tor-res said of her attempts to get Norman's backing.
Her failure to get his support led her to run as a reformer.
Norman is on trial for allegedly forcing two other 2002 candidates, Karen Yellen and Marcia Sikowitz, to pay fa-vored vendors in exchange for his support.
Lopez Torres testified that Norman, then the local Democratic leader, didn't care about her credentials or status as an accomplished Latina jurist.
His aide, Jeffrey Feldman, instead told her he didn't like her "lifestyle," she said.
But defense lawyer Anthony Ricco suggested the party couldn't have been omnipotent because Lopez Torres and another rebel candidate beat Yellen and Sikowitz. nkatz@nydailynews.com
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